Religion and politics were now meshing as a single force. You could say that overall, the book never really took a stance. Much national progress was made in the years of Reza Shah 1925-1941. Now including a section considering the seminal work in light of Ahmadinejad s controversial regime, this new edition promises to offer new levels of understanding into Iran s past, present and future. If you want to get inside the Iranian head this is a great start. Ansari treat the same subject more adaptly. There is simply no better resource for understanding Iran's past, present, and future.
Mohammad Mossadegh in the interval of the late 1940s to 1953. Many questions were being sorted. He was a product of two worlds, the traditional madrassah, and the new secular system. The University does not edit this information and merely includes it as a convenience for users. Adamec, University of Arizona This information is provided by a service that aggregates data from review sources and other sources that are often consulted by libraries, and readers.
According to the sources of the book, it is in this monarch that Royal Glory appears in its clearest manifestation. I read this book primarily because I wanted to un This was all right, but it was sort of a stumbling book upon which to begin my investigations on Islam and Middle Eastern Nations. By the eighth century, most Shias held aloof from politics, concentrated on the mystical interpretation of scripture, and regarded any government--even one that was avowedly Islamic--as illegitimate. It is an exhilarating read. Mottahedeh brings two incidents, to light: a talabeh, who was killed during a 1963 government raid in the Faiziyeh madrassah in Qom, and a blanket bill passed in 1964, in which all Americans were given diplomatic immunity. In the course of narrating the Mullah's biography up to its main turning point, the author progresses through a series of topical histories encompassing life and culture in Iran. No one has the right to legislate and no law may be executed except the law of the Divine Legislator.
Ali is a sayyed and liberal Shiah mullah who feels most comfortable reading books and debating with his friends. A story that clearly should be heard. But how then can we greet with anything but regret the takeover of Iran by the Ayatollah Khomeini and his cohorts, whose smallmindedness and the disastrous prospects for whose reign was foretold in the Ayatollah's own writings: The fundamental difference between Islamic government, on the one hand, and constitutional monarchies and republics, on the other, is this: whereas the representatives of the people or the monarch in such regimes engage in legislation, in Islam the legislative power and competence to establish laws belongs exclusively to God Almighty. The book is handsomely executed and eminently readable because of the author's novel approach of combining a fiction style with serious analysis. He had learned directly from Khomeini. So impassioned is his expressive style that his words at once turn into a captivating song.
An assassination attempt was made on the young Shah and he faded into the shadows of the palace. In that respect, it is not bad, but as I stated at the outset, I don't have a great deal of personal interest in Iranian politics and religion, but do understand their overall significance to American national security. It constitutes a kind of Book of Genesis. A long winded way to begin to understand modern day Iran. However, after their deaths Khomeini began to speak. He maintains the Constitution and the Majiles. All the traits of other royal figures in the book are combined in this central character.
Your heart will go out to Iran as you read it. One the one hand, Mottahedeh tellls the fictional story of a mullah named Ali, who comes from a prominent sayyed family in Qom, and his journey through the Islamic learning system from Qom to Najaf and to Having spent the last year living in Iran and studying Iranian Studies at the University of Tehran, the book provides a distinctive view of Iran, predominantly during the time between the two revolutions, but there's also extensive discussion on important figures such as Avicenna, Jalale Ahmad. And, 'mullah', had become a legal classification. I particularly appreciated the explanation of madrasseh history and culture, tracing it's emergence in similar and yet different terms to mediaeval European University cultures. However, it provides a nice window into the thoughts of the average Iranian of various backgrounds as well as the complexity of the Iranian society. This book is - contrary to the cover explanation - hardly about the revolution explicitly, and anyone looking for a 'blow-by-blow' account of those dates should look to dozens of other excellent books on those times.
It tells the story of revolutionary Iran through the experiences of Ali Hashemi, a composite character largely based on an acquaintance of the author. I would love to see a book, with the same philosophy of presenting issues, that would cover the 1980s and 1990s. نصيحة أخيرة لمن يرغب بقراءة الكتاب، وهي أن يقرؤه بالإنجليزية إن استطاع، ففيها الكفاية. ولن أخوض في شخص رضوان ولا أفكاره فليس هذا بموضعه، وإنما كان لزاماً تبيان منهجه في الترجمة، وكيف ارتضى نشر طبعة المجلس القومي للترجمة بهذا الشكل وبلا مراجعة. In a patriotic movement, the oil industry was nationalized and Majiles committee for renegotiation was headed by Dr. Ali Hashemi is a pseudonym for a man Mottahedeh admires and deeply respects, but I am sure that some part of Ali is Mottahedeh himself, or perhaps one of his other fictitious and entertaining characters.
He has problems with the Shah and with conservative Muslim ideology. This enhances the read, as the reader can ease through the pages of the heavier historical accounts of religion and politics, sifting through two thousand years of names, knowing that the entertaining life of Ali will soon resume, and give a more personal view. With this came the greater use of the secret police. الکتاب منبع هائل للأفكار و المشروعات. The book alternates between two threads. To this day, Shias can feel as spiritually violated by cruel or despotic rule as a Christian who hears the Bible insulted or sees the Eucharistic host profaned. The true story of a young mullah, his life in the sacred shrine city of Qom, and the dramatic events of the 1979 Revolution, this enthralling account paints a vivid picture of contemporary Iran, while providing a panoramic survey of Muslim, Shi'ite and Persian culture from the Middle Ages to the present day.
Ali is a sayyed and liberal Shiah mullah who feels most comfortable reading books and debating with his friends. In the life of Hashemi, the author elaborates upon the nation's idiosyncratic modern-day blend of ancient traditions and 20th century upheaval, making use of the rich context provided in the thematic expositions to integrate the apparent inconsistencies and contradictions of an ancient country hurtling toward an uncertain but novel future. This is a sharp and immersive intellectual history of Iran. Up until this point in time the story has been segmented with history ranging from the Arab invasions which resulted in the Iranians accepting Islam, but retaining Persian and the Arabs speaking Persian to the government of Reza Shah Pahlavi and the 1953 coupe that overthrew the power of Mossadegh and firmly established Muhammed Reza Shah until his capitulation in 1979. Mottahedeh uses the story of Ali as a starting point to examining the history and ideas that led to the Is This was one of the best non-fiction books I have ever read. In the end there are just better works out there that are better reads.
A long winded way to begin to understand modern day Iran. For example, sessions of the Majiles were multiple, and records lost and under siege of those in opposition. The proud Islamic Shia scholars are unique within Islam, no Sunni school is able to match their stature and achievements. Concessions were constantly made with Britain and Russia and sometimes others in return for money. No mullah took advantage of this 'Imperial' opportunity, and the widening gulf between the people and their government, more that Ruhollah Khomeini.